The Project Gutenberg E-text of Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels (2024)

The Project Gutenberg EBook of Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Frederick EngelsThis eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and withalmost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away orre-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License includedwith this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.orgTitle: Manifesto of the Communist PartyAuthor: Karl Marx Frederick EngelsEditor: Frederick EngelsRelease Date: February 5, 2010 [EBook #31193]Language: EnglishCharacter set encoding: ISO-8859-1*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY ***Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive.

Of the

By
KARL MARX
and
FREDERICK ENGELS

AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLATION

Edited and Annotated by Frederick Engels

Price 10 Cents

NEW YORK
Published by the New York Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place
1908

PREFACE

The "Manifesto" was published as the platform of the "CommunistLeague," a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later oninternational, and, under the political conditions of the Continentbefore 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of theLeague, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels werecommissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical andpractical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, themanuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before theFrench revolution of February 24. A French translation was brought outin Paris, shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The firstEnglish translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in GeorgeJulian Harney's "Red Republican," London, 1850. A Danish and a Polishedition had also been published.

The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848—the first greatbattle between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie—drove again into thebackground, for a time, the social and political aspirations of theEuropean working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacy wasagain, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely betweenthe different sections of the propertied class; the working class wasreduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position ofextreme wing of the Middle-class Radicals. Wherever independentproletarian movements continued to show signs of life, they wereruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted out theCentral Board of the Communist League, then located in Cologne. Themembers were arrested, and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, theywere tried in October, 1852. This celebrated "Cologne Communist trial"lasted from October 4 till November 12; seven of the prisoners weresentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three tosix years. Immediately after the sentence the League was formallydissolved by the remaining members. As to the "Manifesto," it seemedthenceforth to be doomed to oblivion.

When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength foranother attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen'sAssociation sprang up. But this association, formed with the expressaim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europeand America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the"Manifesto." The International was bound to have a programme broadenough to be acceptable to the English Trades' Unions, to the followersof Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, and to theLassalleans(a) in Germany. Marx, who drew up this programme to thesatisfaction of all parties, entirely trusted to the intellectualdevelopment of the working class, which was sure to result fromcombined action and mutual discussion. The very events andvicissitudes of the struggle against Capital, the defeats even morethan the victories, could not help bringing home to men's minds theinsufficiency of their various favorite nostrums, and preparing the wayfor a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-classemancipation. And Marx was right. The International, on its breakingup in 1874, left the workers quite different men from what it had foundthem in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany, weredying out, and even the conservative English Trades' Unions, thoughmost of them had long since severed their connection with theInternational, were gradually advancing towards that point at which,last year at Swansea, their President could say in their name,"Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for us." In fact, theprinciples of the "Manifesto" had made considerable headway among theworkingmen of all countries.

The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. The German text hadbeen, since 1850, reprinted several times in Switzerland, England andAmerica. In 1872 it was translated into English in New York, where thetranslation was published in "Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly." Fromthis English version a French one was made in "Le Socialiste" of NewYork. Since then at least two more English translations, more or lessmutilated, have been brought out in America, and one of them has beenreprinted in England. The first Russian translation, made byBakounine, was published at Herzen's "Kolokol" office in Geneva, about1863; a second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulitch, also in Geneva, 1882.A new Danish edition is to be found in "Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek,"Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in "Le Socialiste," Paris,1886. From this latter a Spanish version was prepared and published inMadrid, 1886. The German reprints are not to be counted; there havebeen twelve altogether at the least. An Armenian translation, whichwas to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not see thelight, I am told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out abook with the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to callit his own production. Of further translations into other languages Ihave heard, but have not seen them. Thus the history of the Manifestoreflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working classmovement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the mostinternational production of all Socialist Literature, the commonplatform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberia toCalifornia.

Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a SocialistManifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand,the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England,Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position ofmere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the mostmultifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering, professedto redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts ofsocial grievances; in both cases men outside the working class movementand looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whateverportion of the working classes had become convinced of theinsufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed thenecessity of a total social change, that portion, then, called itselfCommunist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort ofCommunism; still it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enoughamong the working class to produce the Utopian Communism, in France ofCabet, and in Germany of Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 1847, amiddle class movement, Communism a working class movement. Socialismwas, on the Continent at least, "respectable"; Communism was the veryopposite. And as our notion, from the very beginning was, that "theemancipation of the working class must be the act of the working classitself," there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we musttake. Moreover, we have ever since been far from repudiating it.

The "Manifesto" being our joint production, I consider myself bound tostate that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus belongsto Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, theprevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the socialorganization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon whichis built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political andintellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole historyof mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holdingland in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles,contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressedclasses; that the history of these class struggles forms a series ofevolution in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where theexploited and the oppressed class—the proletariat—cannot attain itsemancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class—thebourgeoisie—without, at the same time, and once for all, emancipatingsociety at large from all exploitation, oppression, class distinctionsand class struggles.

This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for historywhat Darwin's theory has done for biology, we, both of us, had beengradually approaching for some years before 1845. How far I hadindependently progressed toward it, is best shown by my "Condition ofthe Working Class in England."(b) But when I again met Marx atBrussels in the spring of 1845, he had it ready worked out, and put itbefore me, in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated ithere.

From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote thefollowing:

"However much the state of things may have altered during the lasttwenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifestoare, on the whole, as correct to-day as ever. Here and there somedetail might be improved. The practical application of the principleswill depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at alltimes, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, andfor that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measuresproposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in manyrespects, be very differently worded to-day. In view of the giganticstrides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improvedand extended organization of the working class; in view of thepractical experience gained, first in the February revolution, andthen, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariat for thefirst time held political power for two whole months, this programmehas in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was provedby the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold ofthe ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.'(See 'The Civil War in France; Address of the General Council of theInternational Workingmen's Association,' London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15,where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evidentthat the criticism of Socialist literature is deficient in relation tothe present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also, that theremarks on the relation of the Communists to the various oppositionparties (Section IV.), although in principle still correct, yet inpractice are antiquated, because the political situation has beenentirely changed, and the progress of history has swept from off theearth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated.

"But, then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which wehave no longer any right to alter."

The present translation is by Mr. Samuel Moore, the translator of thegreater portion of Marx's "Capital." We have revised it and I haveadded a few notes explanatory of historical allusions.

FREDERICK ENGELS.
London, January 30, 1888.

(a) Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be adisciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of the "Manifesto."But in his public agitation, 1862-64, he did not go beyond demandingco-operative workshops supported by State credit.

(b) The condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. ByFrederick Engels. Translated by Florence K. Wischnewetzky. To be hadfrom the N. Y. Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place, New York.

MANIFESTO

OF THE

COMMUNIST PARTY.

BY KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS.

A specter is haunting Europe—the specter of Communism. All the powersof old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise thisspecter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals andGerman police spies.

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried asCommunistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that hasnot hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the moreadvanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionaryadversaries?

Two things result from this fact.

I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be initself a power.

II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of thewhole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, andmeet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a Manifesto ofthe party itself.

To this end the Communists of various nationalities have assembled inLondon, and sketched the following manifesto to be published in theEnglish, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.

I.

BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.(a)

The history of all hitherto existing society(b) is the history of classstruggles.

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,guildmaster(c) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed,stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on anuninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, that each time ended, eitherin the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in thecommon ruin of the contending classes.

In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere acomplicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifoldgradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights,plebeians, slaves; in the middle ages, feudal lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of theseclasses, again, subordinate gradations.

The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudalsociety, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has butestablished new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms ofstruggle in place of the old ones.

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeois, possesses, however, thisdistinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Societyas a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps,into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie andProletariat.

From the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of theearliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of thebourgeoisie were developed.

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up freshground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinesemarkets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, theincrease in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave tocommerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known,and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudalsociety, a rapid development.

The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production wasmonopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growingwants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place.The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middleclass; division of labor between the different corporate guildsvanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop.

Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Evenmanufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon steam and machineryrevolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture wastaken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middleclass, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrialarmies, the modern bourgeois.

Modern industry has established the world's market, for which thediscovery of America paved the way. The market has given an immensedevelopment to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. Thisdevelopment has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; andin proportion as industry, commerce, navigation and railways extended,in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased itscapital, and pushed into the background every class handed down fromthe middle ages.

We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product ofa long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modesof production and of exchange.

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by acorresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed classunder the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governingassociation in the medieval commune(d), here independent urban republic(as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy(as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper,serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as acounterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of thegreat monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since theestablishment of Modern Industry and of the world's market, conqueredfor itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive politicalsway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee formanaging the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.

The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end toall feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly tornasunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "naturalsuperiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and manthan naked self-interest, callous "cash payment." It has drowned themost heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm,of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotisticalcalculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, andin place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set upthat single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade. In one word, forexploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it hassubstituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hithertohonored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted thephysician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, intoits paid wage laborers.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, andhas reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutaldisplay of vigor in the middle ages, which Reactionists so much admire,found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It hasbeen the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It hasaccomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts,and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in theshade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades.

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing theinstruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, andwith them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the oldmodes of production in unaltered forms, was, on the contrary, the firstcondition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constantrevolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all socialconditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish thebourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozenrelations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices andopinions, are swept away; all new-formed ones become antiquated beforethey can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy isprofaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses hisreal conditions of life and his relations with his kind.

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases thebourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestleeverywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world's marketgiven a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in everycountry. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from underthe feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. Allold-established national industries have been destroyed or are dailybeing destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whoseintroduction becomes a life and death question for all civilizednations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material,but raw material drawn from the remotest zones, industries whoseproducts are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of theglobe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of thecountry, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction theproducts of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local andnational seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in everydirection, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material,so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations ofindividual nations become common property. National one-sidedness andnarrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from thenumerous national and local literatures, there arises a worldliterature.

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments ofproduction, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, drawsall, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheapprices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it battersdown all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intenselyobstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations,on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; itcompels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst,i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates aworld after its own image.

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. Ithas created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban populationas compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part ofthe population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made thecountry dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian andsemi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations ofpeasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered stateof the population, of the means of production, and of property. It hasagglomerated population, centralized means of production, and hasconcentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence ofthis was political centralization. Independent, or but looselyconnected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments andsystems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with onegovernment, one code of laws, one national class interest, onefrontier, and one customs tariff.

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, hascreated more massive and more colossal productive forces than have allpreceding generations together. Subjection of Nature's forces to man,machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steamnavigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continentsfor cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured outof the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that suchproductive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor?

We see then: the means of production and of exchange on whosefoundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudalsociety. At a certain stage in the development of these means ofproduction and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal societyproduced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture andmanufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property,became no longer compatible with the already developed productiveforces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder.

Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social andpolitical constitution adapted to it, and by the economical andpolitical sway of the bourgeois class.

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeoissociety with its relations of production, of exchange, and of property,a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and ofexchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control thepowers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. Formany a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but thehistory of the revolt of modern productive forces against modernconditions of production, against the property relations that are theconditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It isenough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical returnput on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of thebourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of theexisting products, but also of the previously created productiveforces, is periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out anepidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed anabsurdity—the epidemic of overproduction. Society suddenly findsitself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if afamine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of everymeans of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; andwhy? because there is too much civilization, too much means ofsubsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productiveforces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further thedevelopment of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary,they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they arefettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bringdisorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence ofbourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrowto comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisieget over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of amass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of newmarkets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. Thatis to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructivecrises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the groundare now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death toitself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wieldthose weapons—the modern working class—the proletarians.

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in thesame proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class,developed; a class of laborers, who live only so long as they findwork, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital.These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity,like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed toall the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of themarket.

Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, thework of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and,consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage ofthe machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and mosteasily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost ofproduction of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means ofsubsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for thepropagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and thereforealso of labor, is equal, in the long run, to its cost of production.In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases,the wage decreases. Nay, more, in proportion as the use of machineryand division of labor increase, in the same proportion the burden oftoil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, byincrease of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed ofthe machinery, etc.

Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchalmaster into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses oflaborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. Asprivates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of aperfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slavesof the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State, they are daily andhourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-seer, and, above all, bythe individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly thisdespotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, themore hateful and the more embittering it is.

The less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor, inother words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more isthe labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age andsex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the workingclass. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use,according to age and sex.

No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so farat an end that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon bythe other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper,the pawnbroker, etc.

The lower strata of the middle class—the small trades-people,shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen andpeasants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly becausetheir diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modernindustry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with thelarge capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is renderedworthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat isrecruited from all classes of the population.

The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With itsbirth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contestis carried on by individual laborers, then by the workpeople of afactory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, againstthe individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct theirattacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but againstthe instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported waresthat compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they setfactories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status ofthe workman of the middle ages.

At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered overthe whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. Ifanywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet theconsequence of their own active union, but of the union of thebourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, iscompelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet,for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletariansdo not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, theremnants of absolute monarchy, and land owners, the non-industrialbourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movementis concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory soobtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.

But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increasesin number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strengthgrows and it feels that strength more. The various interests andconditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more andmore equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctionsof labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level.The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resultingcommercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating.The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing,makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions betweenindividual workman and individual bourgeois take more and more thecharacter of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workersbegin to form combinations (Trades' Unions) against the bourgeois; theyclub together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they foundpermanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for theseoccasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots.

Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The realfruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in the everimproved means of communication that are created in modern industry andthat place the workers of different localities in contact with oneanother. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize thenumerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one nationalstruggle between classes. But every class struggle is a politicalstruggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the middleages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modernproletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years.

This organization of the proletarians into a class and consequentlyinto a political party, is continually being upset again by thecompetition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises upagain; stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognitionof particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of thedivisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill inEngland was carried.

Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further,in many ways, the course of the development of the proletariat. Thebourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first withthe aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisieitself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress ofindustry; at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. Inall these countries it sees itself compelled to appeal to theproletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into thepolitical arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies theproletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classesare, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, orare at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These alsosupply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment andprogress.

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, theprocess of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact withinthe whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaringcharacter, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift,and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future inits hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of thenobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of thebourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portionof the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the levelof comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole.

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day,the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The otherclasses decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; theproletariat is its special and essential product.

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, theartisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie to savefrom extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. Theyare therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they arereactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If bychance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of theirimpending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not theirpresent, but their future interests, they desert their own standpointto place themselves at that of the proletariat.

The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting classthrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, beswept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions oflife, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool ofreactionary intrigue.

In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large arealready virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; hisrelation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common withthe bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modernsubjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America asin Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character.Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices,behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortifytheir already acquired status by subjecting society at large to theirconditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters ofthe productive forces of society, except by abolishing their ownprevious mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previousmode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and tofortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, andinsurances of, individual property.

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or inthe interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is theself-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in theinterest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratumof our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, withoutthe whole super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung intothe air.

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariatwith the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariatof each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with itsown bourgeoisie.

In depicting the most general phases of the development of theproletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging withinexisting society, up to the point where that war breaks out into openrevolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays thefoundation for the sway of the proletariat.

Hitherto every form of society has been based, as we have already seen,on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order tooppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which itcan, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the periodof serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as thepetty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed todevelop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, insteadof rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper belowthe conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, andpauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And hereit becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be theruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence uponsociety as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it isincompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery,because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it hasto feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer liveunder this bourgeoisie; in other words, its existence is no longercompatible with society.

The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of thebourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; thecondition for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively oncompetition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whoseinvoluntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of thelaborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, dueto association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cutsfrom under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisieproduces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie thereforeproduces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and thevictory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.

(a) By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners ofthe means of social production and employers of wage-labor. Byproletariat, the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means ofproduction of their own, are reduced to selling their labor-power inorder to live.

(b) That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society,the social organization existing previous to recorded history, was allbut unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership ofland in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from whichall Teutonic races started in history, and by and by villagecommunities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form ofsociety everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization ofthis primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form,by Morgan's crowning discovery of the true nature of the Gens and itsrelation to the Tribe. With the dissolution of these primaevalcommunities society begins to be differentiated into separate andfinally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this processof dissolution in: "Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums unddes Staats," 2nd edit., Stuttgart, 1886.

(c) Guildmaster, that is a full member of a guild, a master within, nota head of a guild.

(d) "Commune" was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns evenbefore they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters, localself-government and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generallyspeaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England ishere taken as the typical country; for its political development,France.

II.

PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS.

In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?

The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other workingclass parties.

They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariatas a whole.

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which toshape and mould the proletarian movement.

The Communists are distinguished from the other working class partiesby this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of thedifferent countries, they point out and bring to the front the commoninterests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of theworking class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they alwaysand everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the mostadvanced and resolute section of the working class parties of everycountry, that section which pushes forward all others; on the otherhand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariatthe advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, theconditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarianmovement.

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all theother proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class,overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power bythe proletariat.

The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based onideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this orthat would-be universal reformer.

They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing froman existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on underour very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not atall a distinctive feature of Communism.

All property relations in the past have continually been subject tohistorical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions.

The French revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favorof bourgeois property.

The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition ofproperty generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. Butmodern bourgeois private property is the final and most completeexpression of the system of producing and appropriating products, thatis based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by thefew.

In this sense the theory of the Communists may be summed up in thesingle sentence: Abolition of private property.

We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing theright of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's ownlabor, which property is alleged to be the ground work of all personalfreedom, activity and independence.

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean theproperty of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form ofproperty that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolishthat; the development of industry has to a great extent alreadydestroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.

Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?

But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit.It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploitswage-labor, and which cannot increase except upon condition ofbegetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property,in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wagelabor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism.

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a socialstatus in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by theunited action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by theunited action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.

Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social power.

When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into theproperty of all members of society, personal property is not therebytransformed into social property. It is only the social character ofthe property that is changed. It loses its class character.

Let us now take wage-labor.

The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, i.e., thatquantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite tokeep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, thewage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices toprolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend toabolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, anappropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction ofhuman life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the laborof others. All that we want to do away with, is the miserablecharacter of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives merelyto increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as theinterest of the ruling class requires it.

In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increaseaccumulated labor. In Communist society accumulated labor is but ameans to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer.

In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; inCommunist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeoissociety capital is independent and has individuality, while the livingperson is dependent and has no individuality.

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois:abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolitionof bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeoisfreedom is undoubtedly aimed at.

By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions ofproduction, free trade, free selling and buying.

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buyingdisappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all theother "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have ameaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying,with the fettered traders of the middle ages, but have no meaning whenopposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of thebourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself.

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.But in your existing society private property is already done away withfor nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solelydue to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. Youreproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form ofproperty, the necessary condition for whose existence is thenon-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with yourproperty. Precisely so: that is just what we intend.

From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital,money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized,i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longer betransformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment,you say, individuality vanishes!

You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no otherperson than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of property.This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible.

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products ofsociety: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugatethe labor of others by means of such appropriation.

It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property allwork will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to thedogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquirenothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole ofthis objection is but another expression of tautology, that there canno longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital.

All objections against the Communistic mode of producing andappropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urgedagainst the Communistic modes of producing and appropriatingintellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois the disappearance ofclass property is the disappearance of production itself, so thedisappearance of class culture is to him identical with thedisappearance of all culture.

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormousmajority, a mere training to act as a machine.

But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intendedabolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notionsof freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowthof the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property,just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into alaw for all, a will, whose essential character and direction aredetermined by the economical conditions of existence of your class.

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternallaws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from yourpresent mode of production and form of property—historical relationsthat rise and disappear in the progress of production—themisconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you.What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit inthe case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit inthe case of your own bourgeois form of property.

Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at thisinfamous proposal of the Communists.

On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based?On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form thisfamily exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of thingsfinds its complement in the practical absence of the family among theproletarians, and in public prostitution.

The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when itscomplement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital.

Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children bytheir parents? To this crime we plead guilty.

But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when wereplace home education by social.

And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by thesocial conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, director indirect, of society by means of schools, etc.? The Communists havenot invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seekto alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue educationfrom the influence of the ruling class.

The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about thehallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the moredisgusting, as, by the action of modern industry, all family ties amongthe proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed intosimple articles of commerce and instruments of labor.

But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams thewhole bourgeoisie in chorus.

The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. Hehears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common,and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot ofbeing common to all will likewise fall to the women.

He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do awaywith the status of women as mere instruments of production.

For the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignationof our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is tobe openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communistshave no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almostfrom time immemorial.

Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of theirproletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes,take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives.

Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common, and thus,at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, isthat they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocriticallyconcealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest it isself-evident that the abolition of the present system of productionmust bring with it the abolition of the community of women springingfrom that system, i.e., of prostitution both public and private.

The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolishcountries and nationality.

The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what theyhave not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquirepolitical supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation,must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national,though not in the bourgeois sense of the word.

National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more andmore vanishing; owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedomof commerce, to the world's market, to uniformity in the mode ofproduction and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.

The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish stillfaster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, isone of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.

In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is putan end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be putan end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within thenation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to anend.

The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical,and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserving ofserious examination.

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views,and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness changes with everychange in the conditions of his material existence, in his socialrelations and in his social life?

What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectualproduction changes its character in proportion as material productionis changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas ofits ruling class.

When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do butexpress the fact that within the old society the elements of a new onehave been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps evenpace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.

When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religionswere overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in theeighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought itsdeath battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas ofreligious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression tothe sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge.

"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical andjuridical ideas have been modified in the course of historicaldevelopment. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science,and law, constantly survived this change.

"There are besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc.,that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolisheseternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead ofconstituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction toall past historical experience."

What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all pastsociety has consisted in the development of class antagonisms,antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs.

But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all pastages, viz., they exploitation of one part of society by the other. Nowonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite allthe multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain commonforms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with thetotal disappearance of class antagonisms.

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditionalproperty relations; no wonder that its development involves the mostradical rupture with traditional ideas.

But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.

We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the workingclass is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class;to win the battle of democracy.

The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees,all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all instruments ofproduction in the hands of the State, i.e., of the proletariatorganized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productiveforces as rapidly as possible.

Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means ofdespotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions ofbourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appeareconomically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course ofthe movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon theold social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirelyrevolutionizing the mode of production.

These measures will, of course, be different in different countries.

Nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will bepretty generally applicable:

1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of landto public purposes.

2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.

3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.

4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.

5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of anational bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.

6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in thehands of the State.

7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by theState; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and theimprovement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrialarmies, especially for agriculture.

9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries: gradualabolition of the distinction between town and country, by a moreequable distribution of the population over the country.

10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition ofchildren's factory labor in its present form. Combination of educationwith industrial production, etc., etc.

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappearedand all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vastassociation of the whole nation, the public power will lose itspolitical character. Political power, properly so called, is merelythe organized power of one class for oppressing another. If theproletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, bythe force of circ*mstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by meansof a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweepsaway by force the old conditions of production then it will, along withthese conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence ofclass antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby haveabolished its own supremacy as a class.

In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and classantagonisms we shall have an association in which the free developmentof each is the condition for the free development of all.

III.

SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE.

I. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM.

(a) Feudal Socialism.

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of thearistocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modernbourgeois society. In the French revolution of July, 1830, and in theEnglish reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to thehateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political contest wasaltogether out of question. A literary battle alone remained possible.But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restorationperiod(a) had become impossible.

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to losesight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate theirindictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploitedworking class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge bysinging lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his earssinister prophecies of coming catastrophe.

In this way arose feudal Socialism; half lamentation, half lampoon;half echo of the past, half menace of the future, at times by itsbitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to thevery heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effects, through totalincapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved theproletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so oftenas it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats ofarms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

One section of the French Legitimists, and "Young England," exhibitedthis spectacle.

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from thatof the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited undercirc*mstances and conditions that were quite different and that are nowantiquated. In showing that under their rule the modern proletariatnever existed they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessaryoffspring of their own form of society.

For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character oftheir criticism, that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisieamounts to this: that under the bourgeois regime a class is beingdeveloped, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order ofsociety.

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates aproletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.

In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measuresagainst the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their highfalutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped fromthe tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor for trafficin wool, beet-root sugar and potato spirit(b).

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so hasClerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism.

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge.Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, againstmarriages, against the State? Has it not preached in the place ofthese charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh,monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the HolyWater with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of thearistocrat.

(b) Petty Bourgeois Socialism.

The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by thebourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined andperished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medievalburgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of themodern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed,industrially and commercially these two classes still vegetate side byside with the rising bourgeoisie.

In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, anew class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating betweenproletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as asupplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members ofthis class, however, are being constantly hurled down into theproletariat by the action of competition and as modern industrydevelops, they even see the moment approaching when they willcompletely disappear as an independent section of modern society to bereplaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers,bailiffs and shopmen.

In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more thanhalf of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with theproletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use in their criticism ofthe bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and pettybourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes shouldtake up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty bourgeoisSocialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in Francebut also in England.

This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness thecontradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid barethe hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved incontrovertiblythe disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; theconcentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction andcrises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois andpeasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, thecrying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial warof extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds,of the old family relations, of the old nationalities.

In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either torestoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with themthe old property relations and the old society, or to cramping themodern means of production and of exchange, within the frame work ofthe old property relations that have been and were bound to be explodedby those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.

Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchalrelations in agriculture.

Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed allintoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended ina miserable fit of the blues.

(c) German or "True" Socialism.

The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature thatoriginated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that wasthe expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced intoGermany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begunits contest with feudal absolutism.

German philosophers,—would-be philosophers and beauxesprits,—eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that whenthese writings immigrated from France into Germany, French socialconditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with Germansocial conditions, this French literature lost all its immediatepractical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, tothe German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of thefirst French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of"Practical Reason" in general, and the utterances of the will of therevolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws ofpure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally.

The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the newFrench ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience,or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their ownphilosophic point of view.

This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign languageis appropriated, namely, by translation.

It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saintsover the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendomhad been written. The German literati reversed this process with theprofane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsensebeneath the French original. For instance, beneath the Frenchcriticism of the economic functions of money they wrote "Alienation ofHumanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State theywrote "Dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth.

The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of theFrench historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "TrueSocialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation ofSocialism," and so on.

The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completelyemasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German toexpress the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious ofhaving overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing not truerequirements but the requirements of truth, not the interests of theproletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, whobelongs to no class, has no reality, and exists only in the misty realmof philosophical phantasy.

This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriously andsolemnly, and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebankfashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.

The fight of the German, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie,against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, theliberal movement, became more earnest.

By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "TrueSocialism" of confronting the political movement with the Socialistdemands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism,against representative government, against bourgeois competition,bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeoisliberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they hadnothing to gain and everything to lose by this bourgeois movement.German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the Frenchcriticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modernbourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions ofexistence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the verythings whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle inGermany.

To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcomescarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie.

It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bulletswith which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the Germanworking-class risings.

While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon forfighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directlyrepresented a reactionary interest, the interest of the Germanphilistines. In Germany the petty bourgeois class, a relique of the16th century and since then constantly cropping up again under variousforms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things.

To preserve this class, is to preserve the existing state of things inGermany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisiethreatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from theconcentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of arevolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these twobirds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic.

The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric,steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe inwhich the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths" allskin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goodsamongst such a public.

And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its owncalling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeoisphilistine.

It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the Germanpetty philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meannessof this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation,the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extremelength of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency ofCommunism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of allclass-struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialistand Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belongto the domain of this foul and enervating literature.

2. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM.

A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances,in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society.

To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians,improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity,members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals,temperance fanatics, hole and corner reformers of every imaginablekind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out intocomplete systems.

We may cite Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misère as an example of thisform.

The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern socialconditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resultingtherefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus itsrevolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisiewithout a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the worldin which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism developsthis comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems.In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby tomarch straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires inreality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds ofexisting society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerningthe bourgeosie.

A second and more practical, but less systematic form of this Socialismsought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of theworking class, by showing that no mere political reform but a change inthe material conditions of existence in economical relations could beof any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions ofexistence this form of Socialism, however, by no means understandsabolition of the bourgeois relations of production,—an abolition thatcan be effected only by a revolution—but administrative reforms, basedon the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, thatin no respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, atthe best, lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work ofbourgeois government.

Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when,it becomes a mere figure of speech.

Free Trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective Duties:for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefitof the working class. This is the last word and the only seriouslymeant word of bourgeois Socialism.

It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois—for thebenefit of the working class.

3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM.

We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modernrevolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat,such as the writings of Baboeuf and others.

The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends,made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was beingoverthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the thenundeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of theeconomic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to beproduced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone.The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements ofthe proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcateduniversal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form.

The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of St.Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the earlyundeveloped period, described above, of the struggle betweenproletariat and bourgeoisie (see: Section I., Bourgeoisie andProletariat.)

The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms aswell as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing formof society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to themthe spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or anyindependent political movement.

Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with thedevelopment of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, doesnot as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipationof the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science,after new social laws, that are to create these conditions.

Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action,historically created conditions of emancipation to phantastic ones, andthe gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to anorganization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Futurehistory resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and thepractical carrying out of their social plans.

In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chieflyfor the interest of the working class, as being the most sufferingclass. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering classdoes the proletariat exist for them.

The undeveloped state of the class struggle as well as their ownsurroundings cause Socialists of this kind to consider themselves farsuperior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the conditionof every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence theyhabitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class;nay, by preference to the ruling class. For how can people, when oncethey understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible planof the best possible state of society?

Hence they reject all political, and especially all revolutionaryaction; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor,by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the forceof example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel.

Such phantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when theproletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but aphantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the firstinstinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction ofsociety.

But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a criticalelement. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence theyare full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of theworking class. The practical measures proposed in them, such as theabolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family,of the carrying on of industries for the account of privateindividuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of socialharmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a meresuperintendence of production, all these proposals point solely to thedisappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only justcropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognized undertheir earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals,therefore, are of a purely Utopian character.

The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears aninverse relation to historical development. In proportion as themodern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, thisphantastic standing apart from the contest, these phantastic attacks onit lose all practical value and all theoretical justification.Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in manyrespects, revolutionary, their disciples have in every case formed merereactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of theirmasters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of theproletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently, todeaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. Theystill dream of experimental realization of their social Utopias, offounding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," ofsetting up a "Little Icaria"(c)—duodecimo editions of the NewJerusalem, and to realize all these castles in the air, they arecompelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. Bydegrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservativeSocialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematicpedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in themiraculous effects of their social science.

They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part ofthe working class; such action, according to them, can only result fromblind unbelief in the new Gospel.

The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively,oppose the Chartists and the "Réformistes."

(a) Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but the FrenchRestoration 1814 to 1830.

(b) This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy andsquirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for theirown account by stewards, and are moreover, extensive beet-root sugarmanufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier Britisharistocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how tomake up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of moreor less shady joint-stock companies.

(c) Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of CharlesFourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia and, lateron, to his American Communist colony.

IV.

POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION
TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES.

Section II. has made clear the relations of the Communists to theexisting working class parties, such as the Chartists in England andthe Agrarian Reformers in America.

The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for theenforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in themovement of the present, they also represent and take care of thefuture of that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves withthe Social-Democrats(a), against the conservative and radicalbourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a criticalposition in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed downfrom the great Revolution.

In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of thefact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly ofDemocratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.

In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarianrevolution, as the prime condition for national emancipation, thatparty which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.

In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in arevolutionary way against the absolute monarchy, the feudalsquirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie.

But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the workingclass the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonismbetween bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workersmay straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, thesocial and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarilyintroduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fallof the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against thebourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.

The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because thatcountry is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to becarried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization,and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was inthe seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and becausethe bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to animmediately following proletarian revolution.

In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionarymovement against the existing social and political order of things.

In all these movements they bring, to the front, as the leadingquestion in each, the property question, no matter what its degree ofdevelopment at the time.

Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of thedemocratic parties of all countries.

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openlydeclare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrowof all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at aCommunistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose buttheir chains. They have a world to win.

Workingmen of all countries unite!

(a) The party then represented in parliament by Ledru-Rollin, inliterature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by the Reforme. The nameof Social-Democracy signified, with these its inventors, a section ofthe Democratic or Republican party more or less tinged with Socialism.

THE END.

The Preamble

OF THE

INDUSTRIAL WORKERS
OF THE WORLD

An Address Delivered at Minneapolis, Minn,
By DANIEL DE LEON

The organization of the Industrial Workers of the World, at Chicago,July 10, 1905, marked an epoch in the history of the Labor Movement inAmerica, for the reason that, as the preamble to the constitutiondeclares, there can be no peace between the exploited working class andthe exploiting capitalist class; the I. W. W. organized on thatbasis—the recognition of the class struggle.

A 48-PAGE PAMPHLET, 5 CENTS

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WHAT MEANS THIS STRIKE?

By DANIEL DE LEON

"What Means This Strike?" is an address delivered before the strikingtextile workers of New Bedford, Mass. It is the best thing extant withwhich to begin the study of Socialism. The strike is used as an objectlesson to show the nature of capitalist society. The development ofthe capitalist is clearly given, showing why it is that the capitalistclass is able to live in idleness and luxury while the working classrots in poverty and toil.

CONTENTS.—Whence Do Wages Come, and Whence Profits—The CapitalistSystem of Production—Nature of the "Work" Performed by theCapitalist—Mechanism of Stock Corporation—Nature of the "Work"Performed by the "Directors" of Stock Corporations—"OriginalAccumulation"—How the Capitalist in General Gets His Capital—How LeviP. Morton Got His Capital—The Class Struggle—Nature of the ConflictBetween the Working Class and the Capitalist Class—Development ofCapitalist Society—Development of the Strike—How the Capitalists RobInventors—How the Capitalist Uses Machinery to Rob and Subjugate theWorking Class—Why the Modern Strike Is Usually a Failure—Principlesof the Organization the Working Class Must Have to Fight Successfullythe Capitalist Class—Weaknesses of "Pure and Simple" TradeUnions—Career of Samuel Gompers—There Will Be No Safety for theWorking Class Until It Wrenches the Government from the CapitalistClass, Abolishes the Wages System of Slavery, and Unfurls the Banner ofthe Socialist Republic.

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By KARL MARX. Edited by his daughter ELEANOR MARX AVELING. With anIntroduction and Annotations by LUCIEN SANIAL.

This book is especially timely, like everything else that Marx wrote.Written a couple of years before his "Capital" appeared, it is anaddress to workingmen, and covers in popular form many of the subjectslater scientifically expanded in "Capital."

Lucien Sanial says of it: "It is universally considered as the bestepitome we have of the first volume of 'Capital,' and as such, isinvaluable to the beginner in economics. It places him squarely on hisfeet at the threshold of his inquiry; that is, in a position where hisperceptive faculties cannot be deceived and his reasoning powervitiated by the very use of his eyesight; whereas, by the very natureof his capitalist surroundings, he now stands on his head and sees allthings inverted."

Special interest attaches to what Marx says relative to strikes. Werethe working Class thoroughly acquainted with the subject matter of thislittle work, we should hear no more of the "common ground" on whichcapital and labor might meet to settle their differences.

The thousand and one schemes that are daily being flaunted in the facesof the working class by the lieutenants of the capitalists show thenecessity there is on the part of the working class for a comprehensiveunderstanding of the matter of wages, the relation of the worker to theemployer, the source of profits, and the relation between profits andwages. These and other subjects are here presented, and so clearlydoes Marx present them that all he has to say can be understood by anyperson willing to pay close attention to his words.

Cloth, 50 Cents. Paper, 15 Cents.
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28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK.

From a Mechanical Standpoint

it is the first one Marx's works published in America that can belooked upon as a careful piece of publishing. It is to be hoped thatthis excellent volume is the forerunner of other volumes of Marx, andthat America will have the honor of publishing an edition that isaccurate as to text, thorough in annotations, convenient in size, andpresentable in every way. The present book will delight the lover ofMarx, and every Socialist will desire a copy of it.—N. Y. Daily People.

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